EMIGRATION FROM THE FORMER USSR - HISTORICAL REVIEW
Emigration from the USSR was restricted throughout the period of communist rule. Hesitant steps towards opening of the Soviet borders to those who desired to repatriate (mostly Jews and Germans) or reunite with families living abroad were taken in the 1970s.2 In recent decades, three waves of Jewish emigration from the USSR can be distinguished (Gitelman, 1997). The first wave (about 100,000 people) left the USSR between 1971-1974 and headed almost exclusively to Israel. These were immigrants from the Georgian Soviet Republic, where the Jews had preserved their ethnic and religious traditionalism, and from the Baltic republics and eastern Poland, the regions where Jews were less assimilated and more committed to Jewish memories, Yiddish culture and Zionism.
The second wave of emigration (between 1975 and 1989) originated mostly from the Slavic part of the USSR, where Jews were assimilated and acculturated and generally cut off from Jewish culture. During this period, Jewish emigration was characterized by a gradual decline in the importance of Zionist motivation (Salitan, 1997). According to Gitelman (1997), 68.6 percent of emigrants who possessed Israeli visas did not settle in Israel, but proceeded mostly to the United States. However, in October 1989 the United States announced a change in its policy, introducing a quota for Soviet immigrants. The effect of this was immediate and started the third wave of exodus of Soviet Jews. It is this most recent wave of migration that is at the center of the present study.
Between 1989 and 1995, over one million Jews left the FSU. It is estimated that two of every three Jewish emigrants reached Israel, although in the three-year period from January 1992 to December 1994, the number of immigrants to Israel and to other destinations was about equal (Dominitz, 1997). At this time, the USSR began granting exit permission not only to Jews, but to German ethnics, Armenians and Pentecostals as well. The major-ity of emigrants were pushed from their birthplace by economic deterioration and prolonged political crisis in most of the republics of the FSU, as well as growing ethnic cleavage and sporadic but more virulent displays of anti-Semitism. The emigration of Jews at this time was facilitated by contacts they had with relatives and friends already residing in Israel. Economic collapse, unemployment, poverty, crime, and the disastrous state of public health care and other support systems pushed Slavs and other nationals, who otherwise would not have considered emigration as an option, to the same response (Aron, 1991). They swelled the ranks of those leaving the FSU in the quest for better fortunes in North American and West European countries.
During the period from 1990 to 1994 (roughly corresponding to the period under study), Israel received an annual average of 121,900 immigrants, practically all of whom came from the FSU. The annual average intake in Canada was 211,900 immigrants (DellaPergola, 1998). Relatively few immigrants, however, were from the FSU, possibly as a result of the peculiarities of its immigration criteria and perhaps the scarcity or absence of social networks of Russian immigrants there. When the size of the absorbing population is taken into account, the annual rate of immigration was 23.7 per 1,000 population in Israel against 7.6 per 1,000 population in Canada. Indeed, the immigration ratio in Israel during these years was greater than that of any other immigrant receiving society.
Source: http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qa3668/is_200307/ai_n9260151
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5/4/05
International Migration Review
Institutional structure and immigrant integration: A comparative study of immigrants\' labor market attainment in Canada and Israel
International Migration Review, The, Summer 2003 by Lewin-Epstein, Noah, Semyonov, Moshe, Kogan, Irena, Wanner, Richard A
The present study focuses on the incorporation of immigrants from the former Soviet Union in two receiving societies, Israel and Canada, during the first half of the 1990s. Both countries conducted national censuses in 1995 (Israel) and 1996 (Canada), making it possible to identify a large enough sample of immigrants and provide information on their demographic characteristics and their labor market activity. While both Canada and Israel are immigrant societies, their institutional contexts of immigrant reception differ considerably. Israel maintains no economic selection of the Jewish immigrants and provides substantial support for newcomers, who are viewed as a returning Diaspora. Canada employs multiple criteria for selecting immigrants, and the immigrants\' social and economic incorporation is patterned primarily by market forces. The analysis first examines the characteristics of immigrants who arrived in the two countries and evaluates the extent of selectivity. Consistent with our hypotheses, Russian immigrants to Canada were more immediately suitable for the labor market, but experienced greater difficulty finding and maintaining employment. Nevertheless, immigrants to Canada attained higher-status occupations and higher earnings than their com-patriots in Israel did, although the Israeli labor market was more likely to reward their investments in education.
Sociological theory and research on international migration has focused primarily on the social and economic incorporation of immigrants into the host society. Over the years several theoretical models of incorporation have been proposed, including \"succession,\" \"queuing,\" \"segmented labor markets\" and \"ethnic group specific\" models (see Lieberson, 1980; Reitz, 1998; Poston, 1994; Carliner, 1980; Massey et al., 1993). In line with these models, most empirical research in this area examined the labor market attainment of immigrants in comparison with the native-born population. The central conclusions of this body of research can be summarized as follows: 1) immigrants are regularly at a disadvantage upon arrival in the host society (Chiswick, 1979; Semyonov, 1997); 2) human capital resources and period of migration affect immigrants\' rate of economic assimilation (Bloom and Gunderson, 1990; Borjas, 1993a); 3) immigrants who are more similar to the majority in the host society tend to assimilate economically more rapidly than those who are less similar (Wanner, 1998); 4) with few exceptions, the socioeconomic position of immigrants steadily improves with the passage of time in the host society and, as a rule, reaches the levels of similarly endowed native born after fifteen to twenty years in the host society (Chiswick, 1979; Semyonov, 1997).
Many studies on immigrant assimilation have compared the economic attainment of different immigrant groups in the same receiving society. Relatively few studies, however, have undertaken a comparative analysis of immigrants from a single point of origin who reached various destinations (for some notable exceptions see Model and Ladipo, 1996; Model et al., 1999; Inbar and Adler, 1977). The advantage of such studies is that by focusing on one relatively homogeneous group of immigrants, they permit a systematic examination of those structural and institutional characteristics of receiving societies that affect the attainment of immigrants. The present study aims to contribute to this important body of research by examining the socioeconomic attainment of recent immigrants from the Former Soviet Union (FSU) in two receiving societies.
Recent immigration from the FSU is interesting for both substantive and analytical reasons. Throughout most of the communist period, emigration from the USSR was restricted, and, except in certain unusual circumstances, Soviet citizens were not permitted to leave. The dramatic political changes in the late 1980s affected emigration as well as many other spheres of life; well over 2 million persons have left the FSU since 1989. The overwhelming majority of these emigrants settled in one of four destinations: Israel, the United States, Germany and Canada. These migration patterns provide an opportunity to study both systemic and individual attributes associated with the incorporation of immigrants and their socioeconomic attainment. The empirical analysis focuses on two receiving societies, Canada and Israel.
Source: http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qa3668/is_200307/ai_n9260151 Sphere: Related Content
Institutional structure and immigrant integration: A comparative study of immigrants\' labor market attainment in Canada and Israel
International Migration Review, The, Summer 2003 by Lewin-Epstein, Noah, Semyonov, Moshe, Kogan, Irena, Wanner, Richard A
The present study focuses on the incorporation of immigrants from the former Soviet Union in two receiving societies, Israel and Canada, during the first half of the 1990s. Both countries conducted national censuses in 1995 (Israel) and 1996 (Canada), making it possible to identify a large enough sample of immigrants and provide information on their demographic characteristics and their labor market activity. While both Canada and Israel are immigrant societies, their institutional contexts of immigrant reception differ considerably. Israel maintains no economic selection of the Jewish immigrants and provides substantial support for newcomers, who are viewed as a returning Diaspora. Canada employs multiple criteria for selecting immigrants, and the immigrants\' social and economic incorporation is patterned primarily by market forces. The analysis first examines the characteristics of immigrants who arrived in the two countries and evaluates the extent of selectivity. Consistent with our hypotheses, Russian immigrants to Canada were more immediately suitable for the labor market, but experienced greater difficulty finding and maintaining employment. Nevertheless, immigrants to Canada attained higher-status occupations and higher earnings than their com-patriots in Israel did, although the Israeli labor market was more likely to reward their investments in education.
Sociological theory and research on international migration has focused primarily on the social and economic incorporation of immigrants into the host society. Over the years several theoretical models of incorporation have been proposed, including \"succession,\" \"queuing,\" \"segmented labor markets\" and \"ethnic group specific\" models (see Lieberson, 1980; Reitz, 1998; Poston, 1994; Carliner, 1980; Massey et al., 1993). In line with these models, most empirical research in this area examined the labor market attainment of immigrants in comparison with the native-born population. The central conclusions of this body of research can be summarized as follows: 1) immigrants are regularly at a disadvantage upon arrival in the host society (Chiswick, 1979; Semyonov, 1997); 2) human capital resources and period of migration affect immigrants\' rate of economic assimilation (Bloom and Gunderson, 1990; Borjas, 1993a); 3) immigrants who are more similar to the majority in the host society tend to assimilate economically more rapidly than those who are less similar (Wanner, 1998); 4) with few exceptions, the socioeconomic position of immigrants steadily improves with the passage of time in the host society and, as a rule, reaches the levels of similarly endowed native born after fifteen to twenty years in the host society (Chiswick, 1979; Semyonov, 1997).
Many studies on immigrant assimilation have compared the economic attainment of different immigrant groups in the same receiving society. Relatively few studies, however, have undertaken a comparative analysis of immigrants from a single point of origin who reached various destinations (for some notable exceptions see Model and Ladipo, 1996; Model et al., 1999; Inbar and Adler, 1977). The advantage of such studies is that by focusing on one relatively homogeneous group of immigrants, they permit a systematic examination of those structural and institutional characteristics of receiving societies that affect the attainment of immigrants. The present study aims to contribute to this important body of research by examining the socioeconomic attainment of recent immigrants from the Former Soviet Union (FSU) in two receiving societies.
Recent immigration from the FSU is interesting for both substantive and analytical reasons. Throughout most of the communist period, emigration from the USSR was restricted, and, except in certain unusual circumstances, Soviet citizens were not permitted to leave. The dramatic political changes in the late 1980s affected emigration as well as many other spheres of life; well over 2 million persons have left the FSU since 1989. The overwhelming majority of these emigrants settled in one of four destinations: Israel, the United States, Germany and Canada. These migration patterns provide an opportunity to study both systemic and individual attributes associated with the incorporation of immigrants and their socioeconomic attainment. The empirical analysis focuses on two receiving societies, Canada and Israel.
Source: http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qa3668/is_200307/ai_n9260151 Sphere: Related Content
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5/3/05
Get to know immigration guidelines
Get to know immigration guidelines
Nursing Management, Sep 2002 by Shusterman, Carl
If you're considering foreign-born nurses to fill staffing gaps, follow the appropriate immigration laws and regulations to ensure compliance. Here's an overview of options:
1. Permanent residence. Certain exceptions aside, the most practical way to employ foreign nurses is to sponsor them for permanent residence (green card). This process usually takes 12 to 24 months if the nurse is abroad. If the nurse is legally in the U.S., a work permit can be obtained in under 6 months.
If RNs live abroad, before obtaining U.S. employment they must:
* show proof of a nursing school diploma from their country of origin; an RN license in their country; and a full and unrestricted license to practice professional nursing in the state of intended employment or a certification that they've passed the examination given by the Commission on Graduates of Foreign Nursing Schools.
* ensure that the potential U.S. employer submits an immigrant visa petition (Form 1-140) to the office of the Immigration and Naturalization Service that has jurisdiction over the nurse's place of intended employment. Labor Department forms ETA-750A and B and the previously mentioned documents must accompany the petition. Employers should also include a check for filing fees. Typically, the INS will approve the visa petition in 2 to 6 months.
* send the appropriate signed and completed forms to the U.S. consulate, where the nurse will interview for permanent residence. The nurse should be prepared to present numerous documents such as police and medical clearances, birth and marriage certificates, and a valid passport. The RN must also satisfy various language and competency requirements. In addition, a nurse must obtain a VisaScreen from the International Commission on Healthcare Professionals, certifying that he or she has demonstrated competency in the English language and that his or her training and licensure are equivalent to that of U.S. RNs.
If the RN already resides in the United States, the immigration process is more expeditious. It includes producing standard documentation and obtaining a license in the state of intended employment. This can be a problem for nurses who are present in the U.S. as visitors because they're prohibited from obtaining a social security number. Most states won't issue an RN license to a nurse without a social security number. The prospective employer must then submit an immigrant visa petition to the INS on behalf of the nurse. Simultaneously, the nurse can submit an application for permanent residence and for travel and work permits. The nurse also can submit similar applications for his or her spouse and unmarried children who are minors in the United States.
2. Temporary visas. Although faster to obtain than green cards, temporary visas aren't currently an option for most foreign-bom RNs. One exception: Canadian nurses may work in the United States in Trade NAFTA (TN) status.
* Trade NAFTA. To be eligible, the Canadian nurse must have an employment offer from a U.S. facility for a 1-year period, be licensed in Canada and in the state of intended employment, have proof of Canadian citizenship, and pay a small fee to enter the United States.
Employers may renew TN status annually either by having the nurse re-enter the United States with the documents previously noted, or by requesting an extension of TN status from the INS Service Center. Special note: A TN nurse should have no intention of remaining permanently in the United States.
Nurses who are citizens of Mexico may also qualify for TN status, but the procedure is considerably more complex. The employer must submit a nonimmigrant visa petition (form 1-129) to the INS Service Center. Once the petition gets approved, the RN must apply for a TN visa at a U.S. consulate in Mexico.
* H-1B and H-1C visas. Many types of foreign professionals can qualify for temporary, H-1B visas, including physicians and allied health professionals. A principal requirement for this type of visa is a 4-year college degree. Because most employers require RNs to only have a 2-year associate's degree, the H-1B isn't a practical immigration method for the majority of health facilities seeking nurses. But if a facility can justify that a 4-year degree is the minimum entry requirement for a job, such an RN may receive an H-1 B visa.
In 1999, Congress also created the H-1C visa, a temporary visa specifically for nurses. Given the restrictive nature of the law, however, less than 10 hospitals nationwide can employ nurses on this type of visa.
Parting advice If you're considering the foreign-nurse option, scour the background of companies who claim that they can quickly fulfill your requests-before acting, ensure that you're working with reputable organizations. Also strongly consider using the services of an attorney who specializes in the immigration of nurses.
About the author
Carl Shusterman is managing partner of The Law Offices of Carl Shusterman, an immigration law firm based in Los Angeles, Calif. Shusterman served as Trial Attorney with the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service and is currently chair of the American Immigration Lawyers Association's Committee on Health Professionals.
Copyright Springhouse Corporation Sep 2002
Source: http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qa3619/is_200209/ai_n9144437
Sphere: Related Content
Get to know immigration guidelines
Nursing Management, Sep 2002 by Shusterman, Carl
If you're considering foreign-born nurses to fill staffing gaps, follow the appropriate immigration laws and regulations to ensure compliance. Here's an overview of options:
1. Permanent residence. Certain exceptions aside, the most practical way to employ foreign nurses is to sponsor them for permanent residence (green card). This process usually takes 12 to 24 months if the nurse is abroad. If the nurse is legally in the U.S., a work permit can be obtained in under 6 months.
If RNs live abroad, before obtaining U.S. employment they must:
* show proof of a nursing school diploma from their country of origin; an RN license in their country; and a full and unrestricted license to practice professional nursing in the state of intended employment or a certification that they've passed the examination given by the Commission on Graduates of Foreign Nursing Schools.
* ensure that the potential U.S. employer submits an immigrant visa petition (Form 1-140) to the office of the Immigration and Naturalization Service that has jurisdiction over the nurse's place of intended employment. Labor Department forms ETA-750A and B and the previously mentioned documents must accompany the petition. Employers should also include a check for filing fees. Typically, the INS will approve the visa petition in 2 to 6 months.
* send the appropriate signed and completed forms to the U.S. consulate, where the nurse will interview for permanent residence. The nurse should be prepared to present numerous documents such as police and medical clearances, birth and marriage certificates, and a valid passport. The RN must also satisfy various language and competency requirements. In addition, a nurse must obtain a VisaScreen from the International Commission on Healthcare Professionals, certifying that he or she has demonstrated competency in the English language and that his or her training and licensure are equivalent to that of U.S. RNs.
If the RN already resides in the United States, the immigration process is more expeditious. It includes producing standard documentation and obtaining a license in the state of intended employment. This can be a problem for nurses who are present in the U.S. as visitors because they're prohibited from obtaining a social security number. Most states won't issue an RN license to a nurse without a social security number. The prospective employer must then submit an immigrant visa petition to the INS on behalf of the nurse. Simultaneously, the nurse can submit an application for permanent residence and for travel and work permits. The nurse also can submit similar applications for his or her spouse and unmarried children who are minors in the United States.
2. Temporary visas. Although faster to obtain than green cards, temporary visas aren't currently an option for most foreign-bom RNs. One exception: Canadian nurses may work in the United States in Trade NAFTA (TN) status.
* Trade NAFTA. To be eligible, the Canadian nurse must have an employment offer from a U.S. facility for a 1-year period, be licensed in Canada and in the state of intended employment, have proof of Canadian citizenship, and pay a small fee to enter the United States.
Employers may renew TN status annually either by having the nurse re-enter the United States with the documents previously noted, or by requesting an extension of TN status from the INS Service Center. Special note: A TN nurse should have no intention of remaining permanently in the United States.
Nurses who are citizens of Mexico may also qualify for TN status, but the procedure is considerably more complex. The employer must submit a nonimmigrant visa petition (form 1-129) to the INS Service Center. Once the petition gets approved, the RN must apply for a TN visa at a U.S. consulate in Mexico.
* H-1B and H-1C visas. Many types of foreign professionals can qualify for temporary, H-1B visas, including physicians and allied health professionals. A principal requirement for this type of visa is a 4-year college degree. Because most employers require RNs to only have a 2-year associate's degree, the H-1B isn't a practical immigration method for the majority of health facilities seeking nurses. But if a facility can justify that a 4-year degree is the minimum entry requirement for a job, such an RN may receive an H-1 B visa.
In 1999, Congress also created the H-1C visa, a temporary visa specifically for nurses. Given the restrictive nature of the law, however, less than 10 hospitals nationwide can employ nurses on this type of visa.
Parting advice If you're considering the foreign-nurse option, scour the background of companies who claim that they can quickly fulfill your requests-before acting, ensure that you're working with reputable organizations. Also strongly consider using the services of an attorney who specializes in the immigration of nurses.
About the author
Carl Shusterman is managing partner of The Law Offices of Carl Shusterman, an immigration law firm based in Los Angeles, Calif. Shusterman served as Trial Attorney with the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service and is currently chair of the American Immigration Lawyers Association's Committee on Health Professionals.
Copyright Springhouse Corporation Sep 2002
Source: http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qa3619/is_200209/ai_n9144437
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Baby boomer bust
Source: http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m3563/is_14_18/ai_90470762
Baby boomer bust: does Canada have enough IT workers ready for when baby boomers retire in the next few years? - Editor's Note - Statistics Canada's report - Editorial
Computer Dealer News, July 26, 2002 by Paolo Del Nibletto
Statistics Canada's latest report on the workforce has major implications for the IT industry in this country.
According to the report, fewer young people are entering the workforce to replace older people who are retiring.
The study, conducted in 2001 and released this month, shows that baby boomers those who were born between the second world war andl the mid-sixties, hold a major chunk of the jobs out there. More than one-third of all workers are baby boomers.
It begs the question: Are there enough people to replace all these workers when they retire? And, for the IT industry, which has always carried a 15,000 to 35,000 worker shortfall over the past two decades (according to CADAPSO and CATAAlliance), this study is not welcome news.
For now there is a pool of skilled workers who have been laid off from the Nortels and all the dot-com busts of the world but these people have already looked into other vocations to earn a living.
Also, when you have companies such as Microsoft and IBM recruiting the best IT talent this country produces for work in the United States, the problem will become only worse.
Without a strong IT workforce, Canada's competitiveness in the IT world will be challenged just when we started to make waves.
As a Canadian and a nationalist, I hate learning about the AVRO Arrow, for example, and how the top minds of that project were lured to the U.S. after then Prime Minister John Deifenbaker scrapped the project.
These men and women who went to work for aerospace companies in the U.S. were part of the first Apollo mission to the moon.
Canada could have had that history, if the government was forward-thinking enough.
Today, we are in the midst of another problem and the government must act to stem this tide.
More immigration of skilled IT workers is needed.
More educational programs must be put in place for IT in elementary schools and high schools.
More IT programs for young women should be developed.
It is all up to us, Canada.
COPYRIGHT 2002 Plesman Publications
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Source: http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m3563/is_14_18/ai_90470762
Baby boomer bust: does Canada have enough IT workers ready for when baby boomers retire in the next few years? - Editor's Note - Statistics Canada's report - Editorial
Computer Dealer News, July 26, 2002 by Paolo Del Nibletto
Statistics Canada's latest report on the workforce has major implications for the IT industry in this country.
According to the report, fewer young people are entering the workforce to replace older people who are retiring.
The study, conducted in 2001 and released this month, shows that baby boomers those who were born between the second world war andl the mid-sixties, hold a major chunk of the jobs out there. More than one-third of all workers are baby boomers.
It begs the question: Are there enough people to replace all these workers when they retire? And, for the IT industry, which has always carried a 15,000 to 35,000 worker shortfall over the past two decades (according to CADAPSO and CATAAlliance), this study is not welcome news.
For now there is a pool of skilled workers who have been laid off from the Nortels and all the dot-com busts of the world but these people have already looked into other vocations to earn a living.
Also, when you have companies such as Microsoft and IBM recruiting the best IT talent this country produces for work in the United States, the problem will become only worse.
Without a strong IT workforce, Canada's competitiveness in the IT world will be challenged just when we started to make waves.
As a Canadian and a nationalist, I hate learning about the AVRO Arrow, for example, and how the top minds of that project were lured to the U.S. after then Prime Minister John Deifenbaker scrapped the project.
These men and women who went to work for aerospace companies in the U.S. were part of the first Apollo mission to the moon.
Canada could have had that history, if the government was forward-thinking enough.
Today, we are in the midst of another problem and the government must act to stem this tide.
More immigration of skilled IT workers is needed.
More educational programs must be put in place for IT in elementary schools and high schools.
More IT programs for young women should be developed.
It is all up to us, Canada.
COPYRIGHT 2002 Plesman Publications
Sphere: Related Content
5/2/05
yukon
Often called the last great wilderness of North America, Canada\'s Yukon Territory remains one of the most sparsely settled regions of the world. The people living here have worked together to preserve tradition while also facing economic struggles amidst a harsh and difficult environment.
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Often called the last great wilderness of North America, Canada\'s Yukon Territory remains one of the most sparsely settled regions of the world. The people living here have worked together to preserve tradition while also facing economic struggles amidst a harsh and difficult environment.
Sphere: Related Content
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